您現(xiàn)在的位置:首頁 - 留學考試

托福tpo21閱讀第三篇

2024-04-20 09:36:17 來源:中國教育在線

現(xiàn)在留學的學生越來越多,留學可以開闊眼界,也能學習不一樣的教育體制,而且國外名校眾多,教育水平也一流。下面小編就來和大家說說“托福tpo21閱讀第三篇”這個問題

托福tpo21閱讀第三篇

托福 tpo21閱讀第3篇

托福tpo21閱讀第3篇Autobiographical Memory題目解析

Autobiographical Memory

自傳式回憶

Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?

Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget—namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.

Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.

A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.

A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"—an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others—before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.

It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall.

托福閱讀文章中的隱藏考點

由于托福閱讀考試中的時間比較緊張,導致同學們在考試的時候很容易忽視一些細節(jié),例如一些隱含的知識點。今天為大家整理了托福閱讀考試中,常見的隱藏考點,希望輔助大家能夠更好地備考這些內(nèi)容。

一、列舉和并列句

列舉指的是: First, Second, Third,等逐條列出。

并列句是指: A , B and C ,即逐項列出。

它們共同的特征是列出二點或三點以上的條目。

該類型語言點??嫉念}型是“細節(jié)性問題”,主要有兩種:

1. Which 題型

該題型只要求從并列的三頂中選一項作為答案,其它條目與題目無關(guān)。在這種情況下,往往題目的答案出自最后一個選項 。

2 . EXCEPT 題型

該題型俗稱“三缺一”題型,即題目 4 個選項中有三個符合文章內(nèi)容,剩下一個不符合,題目便是要求選出這個不符合文章內(nèi)容的選項。例如: All of the following are mentioned as types of evidence concerning handedness EXCEPT ?

這種題型只適合于考并列、列舉句,這是因為它要求其三個選項一定是文章中出現(xiàn)的,也就是并列或列舉之處。利用這一特點.我們在讀文章的時候就可多留意,如看到并列、列舉句,可預想其有可能被考到;如發(fā)現(xiàn)題目中有“三缺一”題型,則應到并列、列舉處找答案。

二、否定及轉(zhuǎn)折句

否定句是指帶有 NO 或 NOT , NEVER 等否定詞的句子,而轉(zhuǎn)折句則指帶有 HOWEVER , BUT 或 RATHER 等關(guān)聯(lián)詞引導的句子,它們可以用下面的句型說明: A is not B , as C , but is D 。對于以上的句型常出“推斷性問題”。

三、舉例句

句中由 as 或 such as , for example 等引導的短語或句子為舉例句,??肌巴茢嘈詥栴}”和“細節(jié)性問題”。上面句型中的 as C 為插入的舉例句。

四、數(shù)字與年代

文中的數(shù)字、年代、日期等常常是出題者經(jīng)常會做文章的考題點。

五、最高級及絕對性詞匯

文章中若出現(xiàn) must , all , only , anyone , always , never 等絕對性詞匯或 first , most beautiful 等最高級詞匯,往往是考題要點,一般出“細節(jié)性題目”。

這是因為它們都有一個共同的特點,那就是 概念絕對 , 答案唯一 ,無論是出題還是做題,不會產(chǎn)出歧義和疑問,因此很容易出題,答案絕對正確。

相反地,如果文章中出現(xiàn)相對性的詞匯、例如 Some of the people chose red hats,some chose green hats,and others blue ones. 其中 some 為相對性詞匯,如果我們出這樣一道題: What color hats did some people choose? 那么就沒有唯一正確的答案,因為有可能為 red,green 或 blue ,給評卷帶來困難。

六、比較級及比喻

如果文中含有 more than 或 as , like ( a fly )等句型,則為比較級或比喻句結(jié)構(gòu),往往也是考題點,一般出“推斷性題目”。

七、同位語及插入語

文章中帶有由 that is , i.e. , or 等詞匯引導的名詞詞組,放在一個名詞后面,為同位語;插入語是指副詞、不定式、分詞、從句等結(jié)構(gòu)故在句首,句中或句尾,不做句子成分,但修飾整個句子、表達作者感情的語法結(jié)構(gòu)。 這些用逗號隔開的持殊結(jié)構(gòu)往往也是考查的重點,一般會出“細節(jié)性題目”。

八、因果句

句中若有如下結(jié)構(gòu)或詞匯的稱為因果句:

(1) 因果連詞: because , since , for , as , therefore , so , consequently 等

(2) 表示因果的動詞: cause , result in , originate from 等。

新托福閱讀背景知識分享

托福閱讀的復習過程中,同學們可以多了解一些相關(guān)的背景知識,這樣也能夠輔助我們更好地了解托福閱讀文章。為經(jīng)典整理了一些比較常考的背景知識,供大家參考復習。

黑人文學

戰(zhàn)后黑人文學更趨成熟。拉爾夫·埃利遜 (1914- )的小說《看不見的人》和鮑德溫的散文,均已達到第一流

文學的水平。他們對種族不平等的抗議采取了更細膩、更深刻的表達方式。他們希望人們認識到黑人是具有全部人性的人。這個時期里,女詩人關(guān)德琳·布魯克斯(1917-)的詩得到普遍好評;女劇作家洛倫·亨斯伯利(1930-1965)的劇本《太陽下的葡萄干》(1959)首創(chuàng)了黑人戲劇在百老匯上演的記錄。勒魯伊·瓊斯(1934- )是新一代的黑人詩人,他給自己另外起了一個穆斯林名字,表示他對美國文化的鄙棄。

新托福閱讀真題

復習備考托福閱讀,大家可以多進行各種考試真題的練習。為大家整理了7月7日的托福閱讀考試的真題回憶,希望對大家接下來的復習備考有更好的幫助。詳細內(nèi)容如下:

托福閱讀考試日期:

2018年7月7日

新托福閱讀題目回憶:

Passage 2 lamarckism & epigeneticism

文章回憶:

有兩種對與生物演化的理論

一種是lamarck(拉馬克)提出的,一種是Darwin(達爾文)提出的

拉馬克認為,生物重要的性狀會受到環(huán)境的影響,進而遺傳給后代個體。

達爾文認為,生物的重要形狀由遺傳繼承,但是由環(huán)境造成的改變則不會遺傳,這種學說也叫做natural selection。

其中一個支持達爾文的例子如下:

某種英格蘭的moth,工業(yè)革命前,其翅膀多為淺色,是為了較好地與樹皮的顏色融為一體進而達到躲避敵害的效果,但是工業(yè)革命后,由于樹皮受污染顏色變深,其中一些moth的顏色也變深了,人們發(fā)現(xiàn)在這樣的情況下,淺色moth照舊遺傳,深色的雖然不遺傳但是增大了個體存活的幾率。

但是拉馬克的支持者們無視研究的成果,依然有人將其學說奉為圭臬,譬如蘇聯(lián)時期的生物學家李森科,認為受環(huán)境影響的形狀是可以遺傳下去的,于是導致了蘇聯(lián)種植一系列作物的失敗,這些事件不啻為是拉馬克學說在1930年代的發(fā)揚光大。

另外一種支持達爾文學說的理論就是DNA了,DNA是一種化學物質(zhì),可以決定生物的性狀,但是DNA的epigenetic,只會發(fā)生在生物個體中,并不發(fā)生在受精卵當中,這一地點是值得注意的。

關(guān)于“托福tpo21閱讀第三篇”以及相關(guān)內(nèi)容,這篇文章中國教育在線小編先介紹到這里了,如果你還想關(guān)注更多,那么可以繼續(xù)接著關(guān)注其他文章了解。

>>免費領(lǐng)全球留學白皮書,了解各大學報考條件、費用、開學時間、含金量<<

- 聲明 -

(一)由于考試政策等各方面情況的不斷調(diào)整與變化,本網(wǎng)站所提供的考試信息僅供參考,請以權(quán)威部門公布的正式信息為準。

(二)本網(wǎng)站在文章內(nèi)容出處標注為其他平臺的稿件均為轉(zhuǎn)載稿,轉(zhuǎn)載出于非商業(yè)性學習目的,歸原作者所有。如您對內(nèi)容、版 權(quán)等問題存在異議請與本站聯(lián)系,會及時進行處理解決。

免費獲取留學方案
Kaplan, Inc. 30 多年來一直是Graham Holdings(前身為 The Washington Post Co.)的一部分,是其最大的子公司。Graham Holdings Co.(紐約證券交易所代碼:GHC)總部位于弗吉尼亞州阿靈頓,是一家多元化的教育和媒體公司,其主要業(yè)務包括教育服務、電視廣播....
HOT
留學費用測算
免費留學評估
1
免費在線咨詢
免費獲取留學方案
在線咨詢
留學方案
關(guān)注公眾號
  • 麗雅老師
  • 小皮老師
  • 小倩老師
  • 小雅老師